Tearing Down

speaking at CPAC in Washington D.C. on Februar...

Politics has always been a nasty business, but the fact that examples of historic awfulness can be easily found does not excuse the current viciousness. After all, appealing to tradition (reasoning that something is acceptable because it has been done a long time) and appealing to common practice (reasoning that something being commonly done makes it acceptable) are both fallacies.

One manifestation of the nastiness of politics is when it does not suffice to merely regard an opponent as wrong, they must be torn down and cast as morally wicked. To be fair, there are cases in which people really are both wrong and morally wicked. As such, my concern is with cases in which the tearing down is not warranted.

I certainly understand the psychological appeal of this approach. It is natural to regard opponents as holding on to their views because they are bad people—in contrast to the moral purity that grounds one’s own important beliefs. In some cases, there is a real conflict between good and evil. For example, those who oppose slavery are morally better than those who practice the enslavement of their fellow human beings. However, most political disputes are disagreements in which all sides are a blend of right and wrong—both factually and morally. For example, the various views about the proper size of government tend to be blended in this way. Unfortunately, political ideology can become part of a person’s core identity—thus making any differing view appear as a vicious assault on the person themselves. A challenge to their very identity that could only come from the vilest of knaves. Politicians and pundits also intentionally stoke these fires, hoping to exploit irrationality and ungrounded righteous rage to ensure their election and to get their way.

While academic philosophy is not a bastion of pure objective rationality, one of the most important lessons I have learned in my career is that a person can disagree with me about an important issue, yet still be a fine human being. Or, at the very least, not a bad person. In some cases, this is easy to do because I do not have a strong commitment to my position. For example, while I do not buy into Plato’s theory of forms, I have no real emotional investment in opposing it. In other cases, such as moral disputes, it is rather more difficult. Even in cases in which I have very strong commitments, I have learned to pause and consider the merits of my opponent’s position while also taking care to distinguish the philosophical position taken from the person who takes it. I also take care to regard their criticisms of my view as being against my view and not against me as a person. This allows me to debate the issue without it becoming a personal matter that threatens my core identity. It also helps that I know that simply attacking the person making a claim is just some form of an ad hominem fallacy.

It might be objected that this sort of approach to disputes is bloodless and unmanly—that one should engage with passion and perhaps, as Trump would say, want to hit someone. The easy reply is that while there is a time and a place for punching, the point of a dispute over an issue is to resolve it in a rational manner. A person can also be passionate without being uncivil and vicious. Unfortunately, vicious attacks are part of the political toolkit.

One recent and reprehensible example involves the attacks on Ghazala and Khizr Khan, the parents of Captain HumayunKhan (who was killed in Iraq in 2004). Khizr Khan spoke out against Donald Trump’s anti Muslim rhetoric and asserted that Trump did not understand the Constitution. While Trump had every right to address the criticisms raised against him, he took his usual approach of trying to tear down a critic. Trump’s engagement with the family led to bipartisan responses, including an extensive response from John McCain, who was tortured as a prison of war during the Vietnam War. Trump, against the rules of basic decency, continued to launch attacks on Khan.

Since I have a diverse group of friends, I was not surprised when I saw posts appearing on Facebook attacking Khan. One set of posts linked to Shoebat.com’s claim that Khan “is a Muslim brotherhood agent who wants to advance sharia law and bring Muslims into the United States.” As should come as no surprise, Snopes quickly debunked this claim.

Breitbart.com also leaped into the fray asserting that Khan “financially benefits from unfettered pay-to-play Muslim migration into America.” The site also claimed that Khan had deleted his law firm’s website. On the one hand, it is certainly legitimate journalism to investigate speakers at the national convention. After all, undue bias legitimately damages credibility and it is certainly good to know about any relevant misdeeds lurking in a person’s past. On the other hand, endeavoring to tear a person down and thus “refute” their criticism is simply an exercise in the ad hominem fallacy. This is bad reasoning in which an attack on a person is taken to thus refute their claims. Even if Khan ran a “pay to play” system and even if he backed Sharia law, his criticisms of Donald Trump stand or fall on their own merits—and they clearly have merit.  There is also the moral awfulness in trying to tear down a Gold Star family. As many have pointed out, such an attack would normally be beyond the pale. Trump, however, operates far beyond this territory. What is one of the worst aspects of this is that although he draws criticism even from the Republican leadership, his support remains strong. He is, perhaps, changing the boundaries of acceptable behavior in a way that might endure beyond his campaign—a change for the worse.

It might be objected that a politician must reply to critics, otherwise the attacks will stand. While this is a reasonable point, the reply made matters. It is one thing to respond to the criticisms by countering their content, quite another to launch a personal attack against a Gold Star family.

It could also be objected that engaging in a rational discussion of the actual issues is too difficult and would not be understood by the public. They can only handle emotional appeals and simplistic notions. Moral distinctions are irrelevant and decency is obsolete. Hence, the public discourse must be conducted at a low level—Trump gets this and is acting accordingly. My only reply is that I hope, but cannot prove, that this is not the case.

 

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  1. It would be nice if political debate were as polite as philosophy debate usually is and followed all the rules about informal fallacies that people in philosophy blogs generally do.
    In fact, one of the main reasons that I always comment in philosophy blogs rather than political one is that I prefer a civilized debate of ideas. I don’t enjoy insulting people and I don’t enjoy being insulted.

    However, politics is about money and power, about who controls the resources of the planet, about who has power over others and can use them for their own ends, be they good ends or bad ends. People kill for that, people start wars for that, people carry out ethnic cleanings for that, and so there’s no reason to be surprised if people insult each other to obtain such ends.

    Now those of us, like myself, who seek a good conversation in life and have no interest in either money or power (unless one defines “power” as Nietzsche does) should not imagine that others care about the quality of the debate.

  2. Dennis Sceviour

    Mike LaBossiere wrote,

    Even in cases in which I have very strong commitments, I have learned to pause and consider the merits of my opponent’s position while also taking care to distinguish the philosophical position taken from the person who takes it. I also take care to regard their criticisms of my view as being against my view and not against me as a person. This allows me to debate the issue without it becoming a personal matter that threatens my core identity. It also helps that I know that simply attacking the person making a claim is just some form of an ad hominem fallacy.

    There are some terrific quotes here. Simply put, remain objective, not subjective.

  3. Dennis Sceviour

    Objectivity is a basic rule of journalism. Very rarely do newscasters and reporters attack each other’s character. However, they do enjoy reporting on public figures, including politicians and actors, who do not follow this guideline. From the point of view of media ethics, they can usually avoid this type of reporting with the exception of political candidates and other high profile persons. Such persons tread a fine line with the journalistic guideline of permissive reporting. Here, Mike LaBossiere shakes his head at the public content displayed in Trump vs Khan, but what else can be done? Maybe Clint Eastwood is correct, “Get over it.”

    http://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-election-clinteastwood-idUSKCN10F21C?feedType=RSS

  4. Doris Wrench Eisler

    The idea of “morality” implies absolutes: “good” or “bad” can be used in many ways that have nothing to do with morality.
    The issue of Trump and the Khans has to do with civility, proportion, consideration for feelings, good taste, quandaries, political expediency, and is replete with glass houses and stones of varying weights and sizes. But it has little to do with morality.
    Muslims would not be much of an issue had it not been for the Desert Storm syndrome. The basic moral issue lies there. And it was highly immoral from the beginning. The Khan’s son shouldn’t have been there, and neither should anyone else’s son. But he was, so tact – or savoire faire – and mercy are required for the sake of civility. That’s more of a human comfort zone issue than a moral one. As for Mrs. Khan’s silence being attributed to patriarchy, that’s a matter of arrogance and prejudice considering the travails of women in Trump’s world, and his own stated views on reproductive rights for women, for one thing. But he isn’t wrong about Sharia law and women’s rights.
    In a basically and unabatedly cruel and unfair world it’s a little off-base to see lesser issues as
    moral issues. But Trump’s blunder-bus tactics might imply worse things to come:or not.

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